Chief Jones stands, trembling with anger.
ENOUGH! I did not travel the breadth of this country so as to listen to self-important men dismiss peace with flippant chuckles or soft feelings!
The Principal Chief of the Cherokee Nation takes a moment to recollect himself before continuing.
Commodore Chamberlain brings up four points and I think it orderly to address them in an orderly fashion.
The first, slavery, you acknowledge as virtually irrelevant given the movement of the national debate. We can therefore disregard it in any consideration of the terms of reconciliation except in the maintenance of the current condition of state autonomy. That makes this debate slightly less complicated, and I encourage my fellow members of the Union to focus on the other points.
The second point, regarding military build-up, is not made in an unmerited fashion. Although it would be a mistake to characterize the hostile rhetoric or build-up as one-sided - such matters are rarely so clear cut - I think it not unreasonable to place a substantial portion of the blame on rash Northern gubernatorial action. A point to clarify: I would argue that militia build-up is not, in and of itself, unconstitutional if it is undertaken for legitimate reasons. The State of Sequoyah, for instance, established a militia so as to demonstrate commitment to orderliness and to make easier the legitimate and constitutional projects of the State. The railways have been partially constructed and fully safe-guarded by the State, which we assert to have been necessary in light of the largely undeveloped and occasionally rough nature of the former Oklahoma territory. There are legitimate reasons to have a militia that is loyal to the State and the Union operating in times of peace, and the constitution does allow for such occasions. This does not invalidate your point, Commodore, that the blindingly stupid reasons some states cited for build-up were legitimately objectionable, but I think it is important to stress.
The third point, regarding Texas, is incredibly serious. I wish to outline the situation from the as yet unrevealed perspective of the Administration, as these are highly intricate matters concerning the law, and considering their enormous impact on the future of this continent, they must be given their due. It can be argued that the Constitution was written with the intention of permanency, and the President's oath to uphold the Constitution therefore mandates he take such action as necessary to preserve the Union. Does a State have the right to consider action that might fundamentally violate the Constitution to which it has agreed? I do not know, but I think it is clear that there is a legal argument that can be made in favor of President Chamberlain's activities. I think it not unreasonable to assert that all actions were undertaken in good faith with respect to the matter of constitutionality.
However, I stress that legal right does not necessarily correspond to proper conduct, and the poor communication by the Administration and continued rhetorical stupidity espoused by certain Northern governors understandably shook the South's confidence in the Union. I would suggest that both sides would have been better off pursuing the matter through the Courts and the Legislature.
In regards to the matters of nullification and non-compliance: both sides are patently at false, as all parties agreed to surrender such power to the Federal Government upon entrance into the Union. The South is legally obligated to pay the tariffs, but it certainly enjoys the right to protest on the grounds of injustice. Such protestations appear to have had a positive outcome for the affected parties, as evidenced by the scale reduction. But, by the same reasoning, the North must comply with the Fugitive Slave Act. Until such time as the Act is repealed - and I do wonder whether it could be Constitutionally repealed without replacing it with a less severe code - the North has no right to ignore the Federal order. I suggest that both matters could be solved legislatively. Compromise on the matter of the Fugitive Slave Act, as was begun in regards to the tariff, is entirely plausible if both sides abandon their extremism.
From where I sit, the problems we face have been created by prideful men unwilling to use their God-given reason to formulate a sustainable circumstance. Sequoyah stands ready to lead the compromise effort, but all here must, I repeat, MUST, be willing to admit a modicum of culpability and accept the necessity of moderation. Commodore Chamberlain? Mr. Bullock? Congressman Style? Are you and your fellows willing to actually discuss these matters without pretension? We are not peacocks, and struttingly displaying our tail feathers will do nothing to improve the grave situation we currently face.
ENOUGH! I did not travel the breadth of this country so as to listen to self-important men dismiss peace with flippant chuckles or soft feelings!
The Principal Chief of the Cherokee Nation takes a moment to recollect himself before continuing.
Commodore Chamberlain brings up four points and I think it orderly to address them in an orderly fashion.
The first, slavery, you acknowledge as virtually irrelevant given the movement of the national debate. We can therefore disregard it in any consideration of the terms of reconciliation except in the maintenance of the current condition of state autonomy. That makes this debate slightly less complicated, and I encourage my fellow members of the Union to focus on the other points.
The second point, regarding military build-up, is not made in an unmerited fashion. Although it would be a mistake to characterize the hostile rhetoric or build-up as one-sided - such matters are rarely so clear cut - I think it not unreasonable to place a substantial portion of the blame on rash Northern gubernatorial action. A point to clarify: I would argue that militia build-up is not, in and of itself, unconstitutional if it is undertaken for legitimate reasons. The State of Sequoyah, for instance, established a militia so as to demonstrate commitment to orderliness and to make easier the legitimate and constitutional projects of the State. The railways have been partially constructed and fully safe-guarded by the State, which we assert to have been necessary in light of the largely undeveloped and occasionally rough nature of the former Oklahoma territory. There are legitimate reasons to have a militia that is loyal to the State and the Union operating in times of peace, and the constitution does allow for such occasions. This does not invalidate your point, Commodore, that the blindingly stupid reasons some states cited for build-up were legitimately objectionable, but I think it is important to stress.
The third point, regarding Texas, is incredibly serious. I wish to outline the situation from the as yet unrevealed perspective of the Administration, as these are highly intricate matters concerning the law, and considering their enormous impact on the future of this continent, they must be given their due. It can be argued that the Constitution was written with the intention of permanency, and the President's oath to uphold the Constitution therefore mandates he take such action as necessary to preserve the Union. Does a State have the right to consider action that might fundamentally violate the Constitution to which it has agreed? I do not know, but I think it is clear that there is a legal argument that can be made in favor of President Chamberlain's activities. I think it not unreasonable to assert that all actions were undertaken in good faith with respect to the matter of constitutionality.
However, I stress that legal right does not necessarily correspond to proper conduct, and the poor communication by the Administration and continued rhetorical stupidity espoused by certain Northern governors understandably shook the South's confidence in the Union. I would suggest that both sides would have been better off pursuing the matter through the Courts and the Legislature.
In regards to the matters of nullification and non-compliance: both sides are patently at false, as all parties agreed to surrender such power to the Federal Government upon entrance into the Union. The South is legally obligated to pay the tariffs, but it certainly enjoys the right to protest on the grounds of injustice. Such protestations appear to have had a positive outcome for the affected parties, as evidenced by the scale reduction. But, by the same reasoning, the North must comply with the Fugitive Slave Act. Until such time as the Act is repealed - and I do wonder whether it could be Constitutionally repealed without replacing it with a less severe code - the North has no right to ignore the Federal order. I suggest that both matters could be solved legislatively. Compromise on the matter of the Fugitive Slave Act, as was begun in regards to the tariff, is entirely plausible if both sides abandon their extremism.
From where I sit, the problems we face have been created by prideful men unwilling to use their God-given reason to formulate a sustainable circumstance. Sequoyah stands ready to lead the compromise effort, but all here must, I repeat, MUST, be willing to admit a modicum of culpability and accept the necessity of moderation. Commodore Chamberlain? Mr. Bullock? Congressman Style? Are you and your fellows willing to actually discuss these matters without pretension? We are not peacocks, and struttingly displaying our tail feathers will do nothing to improve the grave situation we currently face.